King Shashanka was the first independent and sovereign ruler of the Gaud Empire in the 7th century and a unified state in the Bengal region. King Shashanka was the sole ruler of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa up to Bhubaneswar. Many historians also call him Gaudradhipati. He started Bangabda based on the solar calendar to commemorate the coronation of King Shashanka 1400 years ago today. On the first day of Bangabda, the first independent king of Bengal, Shashank, used to celebrate this day with his subjects through various festivals and arrangements around this coronation. That is why the twelve months of Bengali New Year are named after the stars. Visakha Nakshatra to Baisakh, Jayistha to Jayishta, Shar to Ashadha, Sravani to Shravan, Bhadrapad to Bhadra, Ashvaini to Ashwin, Kartika to Kartika, Agrahayana to Agrahayana, Pausya to Pausya, Falguni to Falgun and Chitra Nakshatra to Chaitra, so on. The month is named.

In the evolution of time, that revolution became history. Mughal rule began in India in the 16th century. The "Tarikh-e-Elahi" Hijri calendar was introduced by calculating the Arabic months based on the lunar calendar in the Mughal era. The names of the twelve months of "Tarikh-i-Elahir" were Qarbadin, Ardi, Bisua, Kordad, Thir, Amardad, Shahriar, Aban, Azur, Baham and Iskandar Miz. These words for the month are actually derived from Arabic and Persian words. But the Mughals and the subjects had problems in collecting taxes. During the administration of the Mughals, the Lunar year or Hijri year was followed for the collection of land and agricultural taxes in India at that time. Farmers cultivated on the basis of the solar year and the Mughal administration collected land and agricultural taxes on the basis of the lunar year. By following the lunar calendar, taxes could not be collected from the farmers at the time of collection because the common people would have lacked money at the beginning of the Hijri year. But the farmers are not hindered from paying the fair tax in cases where they have a supply of money at the beginning of the Bengal year after bringing home the crops in Navanna. Fatehullah Siraji, a famous astronomer of the Mughal Empire, was invited to the court of Emperor Akbar to solve this problem. He was asked to solve this problem by the order of the emperor. Fatehullah Siraji then created the rules of the Bengali year by combining the solar year (Bangabda) and the Hijri year. This year was named Fasli year for harvest and tax collection. Later it was changed to Bangla year from Bangabda. On the first day of Bengali year i.e. Pahela Boisakh, people used to come to the royal court to pay taxes. Sweets were distributed to them by Emperor Akbar and cultural programs were organized for the entertainment of the subjects.

This day of Mughal emperor Akbar's collection of subjects was transformed into the first day of the Bengali calendar as "Pahela Boisakh" as a symbol of the tradition and nobility of Bengali civilization. This festival is awakened in Bengali culture absolutely. This festival of Bengali New Year is celebrated irrespective of caste and religion. Although we still notice some differences regarding the observance of Pahela Boisakh. Pahela Boishakh is celebrated in West Bengal on 15th April according to the Hindu calendar. And in Bangladesh, Pahela Boisakh is celebrated on 14th April according to the Gregorian calendar according to the guidelines of Bangla Academy.

Pahela Boisakh Origin: Associated with the ancient Hindu New Year festival that corresponds to the Vikram calendar of Sanatan Dharma. Many historians believe that King Vikramaditya invented the Bengali calendar around 57 BC. However, many historians disagree about the emergence of Vikramaditya's Bengali calendar.

Since ancient times, Bengali New Year celebrations have been observed among different castes and religions in different parts of India. In the Indian state of Assam, Assamese people celebrate "Rangali Bihu" on this day, the beginning of the New Year. Bihu is a festival of rejoicing of the Assamese after harvesting the harvest which is similar to the Bengali New Year. Similarly, the Sikhs of India also celebrate a festival called "Boishakhi" on the first day of Boisakh. Similarly in Thailand, Varsh Baran is celebrated as "Festival of Water" or Pani Utsav which is called Sangkran in Thai language. We see the picture of celebrating the beginning of the year with a water festival among some of the ancient tribal communities of our country.

The modern Pahela Boisakh started in 1917 by worshiping the British for victory in the First World War. In the 21st century, we see a commercial trend in New Year celebrations. This age-old festival has no personality as before. Under the pressure of corporate culture and capitalism, Pahela Boishakh is nothing more than a means of business gain. Irrespective of caste, religion, caste, let the new day and the New Year begin with a happy passion by celebrating Pahela Boishakh together. 

The Chhatra League of independence movement and democratic movement - this identity is not embodied now. The current identity is only Bangladesh Chhatra League, the fraternal organization of the ruling Awami League. As the name of the ruler is connected with the identity, there are many unfair acts including misuse of power, usurpation and trade. Now therefore the name is uttered with as much reverence as with fear. Such is the reality.

Every campus in the country is occupied by Chhatra League. They themselves are again divided among themselves. The only exception was Buet. In Engineering University, Chhatra League is viewed with hatred like a student camp. Chhatra League is banned there. The cause is not unknown. The atrocities of the recent past in the Chhatra League have led them to this place. In 2019, after the brutal killing of a student named Abrar Fahad in the campus, the organization came to be known as an organization of fear among the students. Although there has been a case and trial in the case of murder, the wound has not healed.

After the murder of Abrar Fahad, there was a student protest. It has spread across the country. The BUET authorities then decided to ban student politics on the campus in a very emotional decision. The decision of the Buet administration is more emotional than logical, it can be said to be over-emotional. Student politics is not banned in most campuses of the country, but it is banned in Buet. Through this, the ego of the University authorities has been revealed as well as arbitrariness. Where the Buet administration was supposed to express calmness on the matter, it also became over-emotional. Because of this, students have been disgusted with student politics for more than four years. The idea that the purpose of politics is public welfare has drifted away from them. 'Hate politics' has taken root among students. Young students, who are preparing to concentrate on building the country after completing education, come to see an environment where politics is viewed with hatred. However, in their working life, they will again be engaged in 'public welfare' managed through that politician. There will be recruitment, but it is very difficult to find applications.

In the last four years, the students of Buet related to politics were looking at them in such a way that they are forbidden objects! This year's movement or various programs started mainly at night when some people, including the central president of the Chhatra League, Saddam Hossain, entered the Buet. Although the Saddams said they took refuge there for a time because of the rain, there was no political agenda. However, the agitators are not willing to accept this statement of the Chhatra League president. No one from Chhatra League will be able to take shelter anywhere in the hostile nature of Buet campus - such an outpouring of hatred; It can be thought! However, even if the Chhatra League president had lied even though it was a political program, the students should have accepted it as their own victory and not raised the issue. But they didn't do that. Bursting with over-reaction or excessive hatred, they demanded the cancellation of the seat of Buet student Imtiaz Hossain Rabbi and his expulsion. Surprisingly, the Buet administration also canceled Imtiaz Rabbi's seat.

These over-reacted, juvenile decisions have backfired. Imtiaz Rabbi challenged the decision to ban student politics in the High Court and won. The High Court stayed the Buet-administration's decision to ban politics. Now, like other campuses in the country, student politics can be done in Buet. Although the protesting students said - they will fight the legal battle. But it is difficult for them to win the legal battle here, as two policies in one country are unlikely to be accepted by the country's highest courts.

Buet students are against formal student politics. But informally there are several organizations active there. All of them are responsive. From Jamaat-Shibir to the banned Hizb ut-Tahrir, it has been reported by various media that Buet is active in the campus.

In this movement, there is a big voice saying 'I don't want student politics in Buet'. But those who are behind it are they really out of politics. It is said that this movement is fueled by the student camp-Hizbut Tahrir; But so far it is not visible that any investigation is going on to find it out. However, Education Minister Mahibul Hasan Chowdhury Naufel said on March 30, 'Many people had complained some days ago that some militant groups were secretly conducting (Buet) activities there. We will investigate the matter in depth. But his call to all parties, the environment of education should not be destroyed in any way. And at the individual level, if someone has such a mentality that it seems to be like condoning the activities of fundamentalist or militant groups, it must be stopped and resisted. Law enforcement agencies who are there, who are investigating, will also deal with them. That applies not only to one organization but to all organizations.' When the minister said it is hopeful that it will be investigated, and if any militant group is active in Buet, it will be rooted out.

Over the past few days, we have seen that a large section of Buet students have taken a stand against student politics. They can take it. They have the right to decide to stay away from student politics. But they should not make an arbitrary claim that no one can do student politics in Buet. Some of the students will do politics if they want, if they don't they won't - that's how it should be. It can be assumed that they are in the middle of Chhatra League. Especially since the murder of Buet-student Abrar Fahad in 2019 a trauma has become deep rooted. Many people are unable to get out of there.

This trauma or pressure didn't come just like that. The incident of a student being tortured to death in his own University, the past achievements of the fraternal organization of the ruling party Awami League are turning many students away from politics. The tradition of Chhatra League, the previous role of Chhatra League in the country's independent and democratic struggle, remains unknown to many students of this generation. The gray present hides the past of tradition. It will take time to get out of it; let's But such an aversion to open politics is in no way dignified.

We want politics everywhere because if there is systematic politics in the true sense, the importance of people increases to the ruling party, to the opposition party, to all political parties, to the administration. Without overt politics, the importance of people gradually diminishes. It applies to all fields of education or mass politics. No one should be in favor of blocking the path of student politics here.

Awami League has been in power for a long time. No student organization can survive in Buet because of the Chhatra League, a fraternal organization of the ruling class—other student organizations should not back down or oppose the introduction of student politics for fear of this. They have to proceed with their own power. It is important to remember that if there is no student body, the 'assassins of darkness' will be stronger in Buet. So the field cannot be left empty. Chhatra League should also create a level playing field for other student organizations, especially left-wing organizations, to overcome their negative image in Buet. Not only to make their demands in the press conference, but also to call various student organizations for dialogue or discussion in order to build widespread public opinion in favor of systematic student politics. It never will or can be done, not because it has never been done before; At least take initiative no matter what. Whatever the outcome of this initiative, it can at least help restore their image.

After the order of the High Court, it can be assumed that student politics is returning to Buet. After this order of the High Court, if the Chhatra League does not find a way out of the gray present and thinks they are victorious, then there is nothing to gain. Rather, there is a dark cloud of fear. Let the clouds pass; Return light!

Two large-scale bank robberies in less than 24 hours are certainly a very sensitive and sensational event in terms of security. Although the incident was termed as a 'bank robbery', it was not just a petty crime by a thief-robber. Behind these attacks are specific ethnic grievances, the failure of elite-controlled politics in the Chattogram Hill Tracts and ideological incentives, on the basis of which the armed group Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF) is carrying out these terrorist activities to destabilize the Chattogram Hill Tracts. In these armed ways they have occasioned robbery, but their main aim is greater and far-reaching.

What message does the KNF want to send through such an attack when the government's peace talks with this anti-peace organization are ongoing and an agreement is expected to be signed on the 16th? What disloyalty to peace and agreement did they show through this massive operation? Moreover, although in the past they have attacked individuals or neighborhoods, this is the first time that the KNF has launched a concerted attack on the administration and government facilities. They have taken a large number of people hostages. They have looted government weapons and bank money. They controlled the activities of mosques and markets. It was also possible for the KNF to do something big if it wanted to because, preventive security measures were not satisfactory at all.

After the bank robbery in Ruma on Tuesday (April 02) night, the administration demanded special security, but it was nothing. In fact, the junior officers and employees of the upazila level are not supposed to understand the importance and depth of the incident. As a result, the next day (Wednesday, April 3) two more bank robberies and robberies took place in the afternoon. It has also exposed the weaknesses of security systems in border-adjacent and conflict-prone areas.

The KNF has carried out sabotage in the past as well. They have been meeting in stages to bring them into confidence through discussion and compromise. KNF has not deviated from its main goal even though it has slowed down for a while. This time the KNF demonstrated its strength by openly organizing large-scale attacks and challenging the administration and institutions. They dared to attack mosques, markets and public places. Even within a day of the attack, such a second attack, robbery, looting of weapons and hostage-taking took place. That they are ready and undeterred, this message is easily read through the analysis of KNF's actions.

One thing is very clear that these attacks prove that they have no faith in peace talks with the government. If there was, the KNF would not have taken an offensive role during the ongoing negotiations and during the holy month of Ramadan.

Their purpose is greater. To build a large-scale unity and achieve greater political objectives with the Kuki-Chin ethnic groups of India and Myanmar parts of India and Myanmar bordering India or Bangladesh.

In the ongoing ethnic armed conflict in Myanmar, the Kuki-Chin or their cohorts are active. These groups are being strengthened politically and militarily by fueling domestic and foreign forces. In Myanmar they are displacing the government military making India's Manipur and Nagaland conflict. Bandarban in the Chattogram Hill Tracts of Bangladesh is freely carrying out armed threats.

As a result, KNF is active not only in Bangladesh, but also internationally. Many countries are facing security threats due to them. And KNF is not a national organization, but a regional organization. As a result, these issues should be kept in mind when discussing with them and suppressing them.

In particular, without a clear understanding of their political intentions and military strength, the possibility of a larger-scale disaster in the future cannot be ruled out. Because, this time, during the Bandarban series of robberies, KNF has committed crimes without interruption. The administration lacked the preparedness and energy to counter them, prompting the need to strengthen the security system.

Policy makers also need to rethink mountain politics and security strategies. It should also be considered whether it is possible to bring the KNF into the fold like other organizations in the mountains in the traditional way. Within days of a former minister holding a royal farewell party with military-civilian people in Bandarban, the KNF launched a large-scale public attack. As a result, there is no reason to believe that hill power politics can handle this radical force.

Dr. Mahfuz Parvez, Professor, University of Chattogram and Executive Director, Chattogram Center for Regional Studies, Bangladesh (CCRSBD). 

About six months ago, a boycott of the country's products was called as a protest against the Israeli brutality of the Israeli-Palestinian war, killing children, not allowing relief materials to enter and many other reasons, regardless of race and religion. Calls for a boycott of Israeli goods originated from non-Muslim countries. It is more common now. On March 26, the United Nations passed a worldwide call for an end to the war. But the product boycott has put Israel in a lot of trouble because their daily business is all over the world. Danger is inevitable if people continue to reject their products with disgust.

Rumors of boycotting Indian products in Bangladesh started on social media after the election on January 7. Blogger and online activist Pinaki Bhattacharya, a journalist, is said to have first made this call. In the beginning no one took much notice of it. Because India is such a big country, the market for their products is so wide, nothing will happen if only the people of Bangladesh boycott it. But how long will it take for the situation like Israel to start boycotting Indian products if Bangladeshis living around the world and their well-wishers start rejecting them?

Since its inception, calls for boycott of Indian products through social media have become stronger day by day. From the leaders of our country to the policy makers, juicy statements are heard regarding 'sari, egg, oil, onion, kebab' etc which is getting more and more popular and expanding rapidly.

Big political parties like BNP did not want to bother about this because even during the BNP regime, many Indian daily products were imported. Indian products should be imported after coming back to power. So till now BNP was only opposing the election. Although initially ignored, the issue of boycott of Indian products has come to the fore in Bangladesh due to the recent spate of talks between the members of the new cabinet. Two ministers in particular have played a major role in this matter. Hearing the speech of a minister that day, a newspaper commented - "The minister intensified the call for boycott of Indian products." "Perhaps the government of India is embarrassed and ashamed to hear such nonsense of the minister." Not everyone in India supports a single political party in Bangladesh.

There has been news about this in many newspapers. India's face has been officially exposed since the Minister's statement that India worked for the Awami League in the last national elections. That is - 'India has unilaterally supported the Awami League.' Here the aspect of the welfare of the immense people of Bangladesh has been ignored from the side of India. So more or less 60-70 percent of the people of Bangladesh are angry about it. Opposition parties in India also did not accept this biased behavior of their government. On that day, a person went to the market and expressed his anger, "Bangladeshis' boycott of Indian products is only based on  anger and humiliation against the biased behavior of the BJP government."

BNP did not delay in making this statement a political issue because, for many reasons, the people of Bangladesh have been unhappy with India for many years. Their long-standing anger has become more vocal with calls for a boycott of the product.

India has always ignored the issues most associated with this anger. The people of Bangladesh did not take well the water distribution agreement of the same river, the non-stopping of border killings, the ban on the export of cattle, the imposition of additional tax on onions, etc. Between 2010 and 2020, 1,273 Bangladeshis lost their lives on the border in BSF firing. 1,283 people were injured. The killing of Felani shook the world conscience. This year, two Bangladeshis were shot dead at the border on Independence Day.

Neglecting and looking down on the people of Bangladesh is a topic of conversation among travelers returning to India these days. Especially if you go for treatment, why do you come here? Construction of Ram Mandir in place of Babri Masjid, Modi police kicking worshipers during Jumma Namaz, attack on Muslim students during Tarabi prayer in Gujarat, etc issues have not only hurt the supporters of BNP or Bangladesh's devout Awami League - Muslims all over the world. Foreign students have erupted in protest. But the Modi government is keeping quiet without paying attention to it. The undemocratic behavior of the Modi government in the last election has seriously injured the people of Bangladesh. Therefore, the call for boycott of Indian products is not limited to Bangladesh and may spread to many countries.

There is an uneven trade between India and Bangladesh. There is no room to underestimate the difference between the trades of the two countries. It is said that around 25 lakh people from Bangladesh visit India for medical treatment every year. The number of students, pilgrims and travelers is more.

India's fourth largest export is to Bangladesh and shipments to the Seven Sisters originate from Bangladesh. India exports soybeans, onions, spices, cosmetics etc. to Bangladesh. In 2022, the people of Bangladesh consumed 7 lakh 27 thousand tons of onion, 7 percent of which came from India.

They say that they made a mistake by making the country independent. Which many people in Bangladesh don't like. The border killings further deepened the long-standing suffering of the people suffering from the Lower Riparian to get their fair share of water from the Farakka and Teesta rivers. The youth of Bangladesh are suffering because of India's Phensedyl and other drugs.

But will India become more hostile to the BNP as BNP supports boycott of Indian goods? The one-sided policy towards a party will reflect more and they will continue to harbor more hatred towards India which will destroy the good neighborliness between the two countries.

So, according to the leaders, why did India help only one party to power? They have humiliated the majority of the people of this country by putting a party in power. Their rights have been taken away. Now many people in India are feeling embarrassed that a party in power has exposed its own ego while singing the praises of India. Even many of the ruling party are embarrassed by their statement.

The most talked about issue of the time is now the issue of boycott of Indian products. Some people have already commented, is BNP protesting like a lost traveler by throwing his cloak and setting it on fire? Or are you joking? Someone compared Bankim’s Kuntala Shoroshi to the way lost youth-traveler who went out in the forest and said, 'Pathik you have lost your way?'

But the problem lies elsewhere and they know it very well. The wayward traveler, lost in the forest and speechless at the sight of the beauty, could not answer. But as the long-time muted anger suddenly turned into public anger as everything seemed partisan, ugly and ostentatious in front of the BNP, a policymaker threw away his favorite blanket that warmed him in the harsh winter and expressed his anger. Along with the same anger, the rest protested by setting it on fire. Usually: the language of protest of one loved one at the cruel blow of another loved one is expressed as resistance and hate where the wayfarer is neither a child, nor a fool, nor a wanderer by himself. They feel that it is the language of protest after being subjected to difficult situations under the wrath of the power-hungry.

So BNP's support for boycott of Indian products is a good protest to get back the rightful rights. Through this protest, BNP can send a political message against India to the international community. That could pave their way to power in the future. Many may underestimate this and enter the debate. But there are precedents for ignoring many trivial events in history.

Author: Professor of Department of Social Work and former Dean of Faculty of Social Sciences, Rajshahi University.