Beginning with the demand for quota reform, the July-August student uprising succeeded in bringing down the Awami League government. The news of Sheikh Hasina's resignation on August 5 and her departure from the country brought an end to Awami League's decade-and-a-half long rule. After three days of government less country, the reign of the interim government started from August 8. Dr. Muhammad Yunus is leading a large-size interim government. I say large because earlier the scope of unelected government was not so wide. All the unelected governments that have come to power in the country since the 1990s have had a maximum of eleven members. This is the first time the country has seen an interim government of twenty one members.

After the new government came to power, the most talked about word is 'reforms'. With the power of this word, the country's administration and judiciary have changed. Much of the Awami League era is now gone. Some were jailed, some were transferred, some were fired and many went into hiding to avoid arrest. Leaders of Awami League and the 14-party coalition allied to the party are absent from the political field, they are fugitives at home and abroad. Awami League regime was a hotbed of fascism, this campaign gained quite popularity. To eliminate the fascism of the Awami League, various types of cleansing operations are going on everywhere. Some of these raids are governed by administrative rules, and most are forced.

They are strangers to the organization that called for the overthrow of the Awami League government. They were thought to be non-political organizations, only for students. After the fall of the government, it appears that all other political parties have come here to rob credit. In the movement, there were discussions or debates about how many people had gathered and how many people had been gathered by BNP-Jamaat and Qaumi Madrasah-centric political parties. The section of students who gathered under the banner of the anti-discrimination student movement, which was initially at the center of the discussion, is gradually losing its influence. The initial empowerment of students seems to be slowly waning with the inclusion of two of their representatives in the interim government, a Special Assistant to the Chief Adviser and a Coordinator.

It is not even a month and a day since this government took charge, but in the meantime, the strong campaign to amend-repeal-rewrite the constitution has started. It has also started to be said that the 1972 constitution did not reflect the hopes and aspirations of the nation. I am also hearing strange claims that people's mandate was not taken in drafting the constitution. The constitution of ‘72 or the constitution of the party, those who are saying such things, are desperate to present a movement of five weeks of government change as the main one, ignoring the glory of the great war of liberation. For this purpose, most of them are very young, but there are many learned people who are supporting them.

Politicians are few and far between today giving speeches about rewriting the constitution. Ali Riaz, distinguished Professor of Politics and Government at Illinois State University, USA, is making a desperate attempt to rewrite it. We knew Ali Riaz as a regular columnist for a national newspaper in Bangladesh. After assuming power of the Interim government, he has been voicing the same opinion at various events in the country, and many others are joining him. In a recent event in the capital, he commented that rewriting the constitution is necessary even if the constituent assembly is held to fix the democratic institutions of the state. He did not stop here, after saying the same thing in several places, trying to gather more people in his favor. But it is well known that the power of an unelected interim government during a constitutional crisis after a prime minister's vacancy is very limited, and no matter how much this government chants reforms, its tenure and powers are not the same as those of an elected government. This government is a government that the next elected parliament will have to give legitimacy to. The legitimacy of the government is in the hands of the next elected government, how can they amend-repeal-rewrite the constitution? Naturally this is not supposed to happen.

Some are also demanding to change the national flag and national anthem of the country after the collapse of the Awami League government. Brigadier General (retired) Abdullahil Aman Azmi, a former army officer, has been named in this team. He has another identity. He is the son of Professor Ghulam Azam, who died after serving life imprisonment for crimes against humanity in 1971. In a press conference at the auditorium of the National Press Club yesterday, he called for the repeal of the 1972 constitution and the creation of a new constitution as well as a new national anthem. Terming the constitution of 72 as 'illegal', he claimed, 'Awami League has not taken any mandate from the people to draft a new constitution. So this constitution is not valid. A new committee should be made and a new constitution should be made, it should be annulled. That is not the end, he repeated in a confusing explanation about the number of 30 lakh martyrs in 1971, "Sheikh Mujib said 3 million when he said 3 million and it has become 3 million. They (Awami League) have cheated people by exploiting people's emotions by saying 30 lakh martyrs without any survey. He also advised the Interim government to determine the number of martyrs in the liberation war by conducting a new survey. The people of the country know that the controversy about the number of martyrs in the liberation war, the misleading talk about the national anthem and the misleading talk about the great liberation war. His family acquaintance is surely not to be lost in the depths of oblivion.

The fall of Awami League and Sheikh Hasina did leave the country. Various discussions will continue in the days to come. This question is difficult to answer in a country where the politics of division persists. Those who call this movement and the fall of the government 'second freedom' are really passionate. Those who are passionately calling the Interim government a 'revolutionary government' to enjoy a second freedom are questioning the utility and existence of the constitution in a post-revolutionary country. It's their fault. The Interim government that is currently functioning is not called a 'revolutionary government'. The idea of a revolutionary government was absent from the oath taken by Dr. Muhammad Yunus as the Chief Adviser of this government. He took an oath to 'protect and uphold the Constitution and provide security'.

Relevantly referring to the oath taken by the Chief Adviser In the oath, the Chief Adviser said—“I, Muhammad Yunus, solemnly swear that I will faithfully discharge the duties of Chief Adviser to the Interim Government as per law. I will have genuine faith and loyalty to Bangladesh. I will protect and support and provide security for the Constitution and I will treat all according to law without fear or favor, affection or displeasure.” In an oath of secrecy he pronounced—“I, Muhammad Yunus, do solemnly swear that all matters brought to my consideration as Chief Adviser to the Interim Government, or such matters as come to my knowledge, are necessary for the proper discharge of my duties as Chief Adviser. Except shall not directly or indirectly inform any person, or disclose to any person.” He has sworn to protect the Constitution, uphold the Constitution and provide security for the Constitution. Here, therefore, his government does not have the opportunity to amend-repeal-rewrite the constitution. By doing so, by directly or indirectly advocating it, he would himself be flouting and defying the Constitution, which would be a punishable offence and also for an offense punishable by the maximum penalty under existing law.

The Interim Government has no opportunity to put its hands on the Constitution including the National Anthem, National Flag and the basic principles of the Constitution. The events of July-August were not a revolution, but at one point it became a movement to overthrow the government. The agitators were successful. In their success, they removed the powerful and empowered themselves. They can try to bring back the democratic atmosphere in the country by changing the ideological and political program; But in any way they do not have the power to touch the national flag, national anthem and constitution. This power or mandate was not given to them by the people.

The interim government is not a revolutionary government; it is a government that has taken power under the oath of the security provisions of the constitution.

The vice-chancellors of public universities began to resign following the fall of the Awami League government on August 5 in a student uprising. During the quota reform movement, these vice-chancellors, pro-vice-chancellors and other officials of the university administration took a stand against the students. Attacking and suing the students, directly supporting the then ruling student organizations, these teachers have lost the moral qualification to run the university.

According to the latest information, at least 40 universities in the country are without vice-chancellors after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government. Academic and administrative activities have practically come to a standstill. First year classes have not even started in some universities. Professor Wahiduddin Mahmud, Education adviser of the interim government, has already said that in transition from this situation, the universities will be quickly appointed to start administrative activities. Universities which are without guardians should be started as soon as possible. The higher echelons of the government said that truly educated, qualified and administratively competent people will be appointed.

The four oldest and largest universities of the country are being run according to the Presidential Ordinance of 1973. According to the Ordinance, there is a provision to elect the Vice-Chancellor Panel in the universities through the Senate. According to the provisions, a three-member panel is elected to the post of Vice-Chancellor by vote of Senate members. Later the President and Chancellor of University appoint any one from among the selected. In the remaining universities there is a practice of appointing the Vice-Chancellor by direct choice of the Government.

For a long time, vice-chancellors have been appointed on political considerations in public universities of the country. The political position and implementation of the party agenda of the vice-chancellors was considered as the main and only qualification here compared to the skills and qualifications. With the help of various quarters of the government, these vice-chancellors got involved in various irregularities and corruption. They have been accused of hiring party workers and relatives throughout the year. In the last few years, the teachers and students have been protesting for a long time in the campuses demanding the resignation of the vice-chancellors.

After the resignation of the vice-chancellors, various administrative officers including the registrar also resigned. This is creating complications in academic work as well as other administrative work. Collecting of certificates and transcripts, publication of results have not been addressed. It will not be possible to do these things because there is no vice chancellor. Even the temporary and outsourcing employees of the university did not get their salaries due to the absence of the Vice-Chancellor. The routine official functions of the university are also being disrupted. There is chaos in the halls of residence as important posts in the proctorial body and hall administration are vacant. Besides, there is a new fear of session jamming with class-examination. Important meetings like the Senate-Syndicate-Academic Council were also not held.

After the resignation of the vice-chancellors of the universities in the post-uprising period, the university officials are seeing a ray of hope. They see it as an opportunity to get out of the long-standing culture of corruption and nepotism. However, appointing the vice-chancellors of so many universities at once is a big challenge for the Ministry of Education. Breaking the previous trend, the education administration is looking for non-political academic and administratively competent and qualified senior professors for this post.

Academicians say the appointment of vice-chancellors should take into account academic merit as well as administrative skills, experience and record of integrity. Universities outside the 73 Act need to have clear rules for appointment of Vice-Chancellors. Appointment of Vice-Chancellor may be arranged by constituting an impartial search committee.

The Vice-Chancellor is a post whose entire policy revolves around the overall functions of the University. A Vice-Chancellor who is efficient and competent in managing administrative activities can radically change the face of the university. After the movement, all the teachers and students are coming forward to build a new Bangladesh. If the vice-chancellor can be appointed quickly, the universities will be able to overcome the deadlock and return to normal activities.

It seems that the interim government is taking time to find reliable and trustworthy teachers. Because teachers recruited in the past mostly played a role for a particular group. Various parties have already proposed the name of the preferred candidate as the vice-chancellor. Many are trying to create political pressure in different circles. Above all, the sooner the vice chancellor can be appointed, the better because it involves the aspirations of universities and a large part of the nation.

Author: Noman Bin Haroon, General Secretary, Jahangirnagar University Press Club

A large part of Bangladesh's trade with India is in consumer goods. If many of the daily necessities cannot be imported from India, the market prices skyrocket. Among them, only onions come into discussion. Sometimes people of the country fall into a fragile market situation as India stops exporting onions.

Public perception is that Awami League has a sweet relationship with India. This is not entirely false. However, the issue is not limited to the individual level and political parties, but the relationship is more state-to-state. The Awami League's relationship with India as a political party has historical foundations, and the greatest monument to this foundation is the Great Liberation War of 1971. Besides, Bangladesh's support to prevent militancy and separatism in India's Seven Sisters strengthens Awami League's relationship with the country. During the period of the Awami League government, Bangladesh wanted to stay safe by stopping the militants, and also played a role in maintaining stability in the Seven Sisters.

Yet India has stopped exporting commodities, especially onions, to Bangladesh many times. That is why they voiced their own demand, and the export ban had a direct impact on Bangladesh. Due to the increase in the price of onion and the continuous discussion about it, the prices of other products have also skyrocketed. After that, while the onion market stabilized, the prices of other products remained stable. Everything else is out of the question as we only discuss the onion then and whenever we are in such a situation.

After the fall of the Awami League government on August 5, there is now a discussion about whether or not there is an opportunity to import goods from India. Many fear that the commercial relationship will not be the same as before. We are still looking at it one-sidedly. We see that the out-of-control market will never come under control unless certain products can be imported from there. The same does not apply to India? India will not be deprived of foreign exchange if not exported to Bangladesh?

Trade is basically a bilateral affair, where one side imports to meet its needs, the other side exports to earn foreign exchange. Just as our market will not be stable if we cannot import at a lower price from our near neighbors, similarly India will lose its assured market if we impose strictures on exports. What country would want to miss out on a guaranteed market? Besides, if India's commercial relations with Bangladesh are weak, they will also have to look for new markets.

If the import of goods from India is not easy, will Bangladesh sit in this case? Certainly not, Bangladesh will look for more markets to meet its needs. In this case, the cost will increase, but it will not reach the state of starving for fear of cost increase. In this case, many fear that Bangladesh does not have the financial stability to import products from faraway countries. This is not true. It is possible to meet the import expenses of a few months from where the fallen Awami League government left the economy of Bangladesh. Finance Adviser Dr. Saleh Uddin Ahmed has acknowledged the issue of financial consistency, no matter how much everyone in the interim government criticizes the corruption and financial mismanagement of the Awami League era. Talking to officials on August 13, the Finance Adviser said the economy is not in bad shape, it has only slowed down due to recent challenges. Advisers are optimistic that momentum will gradually build up.

All over the country Awami League leaders and activists are cornered. Many are in hiding for fear of arrest and beating. Many have started to return slowly through social media. The campaign of one of them seems that India will stop exporting goods now! These campaigns have passion, scaremongering, but no logic behind them because trade is a matter of mutual benefit. Besides, many people want to see it with hidden hints. It is like cutting off one's own nose and disrupting the journey of others.

During the meeting with Indian Ambassador Prannoy Verma, recently appointed in Dhaka, Foreign Adviser Touhid Hossain emphasized on the continuation of issues related to the interests of the two countries. There are commercial relations, security aspects, and former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's stay in India. The outcome of such discussions is not immediately visible. This is a routine work of any government. It helps to remove any doubt in the relationship. Oscillations give solid foundations to relationships.

Chief Adviser to the Interim Government Dr. Muhammad Yunus called Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Last Friday, in a message shared on the X handle, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi gave the information about the call of Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Modi said that he received the call of Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus. There was an exchange of views on the existing situation. Narendra Modi reiterated India's commitment to continue its support for a democratic, stable, peaceful and progressive Bangladesh. Dr. Yunus assured the protection, safety and security of Hindus and all minorities in Bangladesh. After that, the Prime Minister's Office of India said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasized on India's commitment to help the people of Bangladesh through various development initiatives. He emphasized on ensuring the safety and security of all minority communities including the Hindu community in Bangladesh.

In other words, the government has taken an initiative to remove the tension in the public perception of India's relationship with the new interim government that came to power after the downfall of the Awami League government. We hope this good relationship with neighboring countries will continue. Almost all of them are part of the 'India Out' campaign who are partners and beneficiaries of the August 5 uprising. Keep aside this campaign of political character and let the good relations between the two countries continue, because without good relations, the people of both the countries will suffer.

The Rohingya crisis is an ongoing issue in Bangladesh. We must all strive to ensure that the importance of the Rohingya problem does not diminish in the ongoing global and internal crises. Due to war and various humanitarian disasters, the amount of aid for the Rohingya has decreased as well as its appeal. As a result, the resolution of the problem is prolonged and the Rohingya situation is complicated. In order to deal with the Rohingya crisis, in addition to solving the problems of the Rohingyas sheltered in Bangladesh, the situation in Rakhine State must also be prepared for their return. In the ongoing situation of Bangladesh, the Rohingya crisis should be given importance like all other problems and the efforts to solve it should be continued.

The ongoing clashes between the Arakan Army (AA) and the Myanmar Army in Maungdoo Township, bordering Bangladesh in Rakhine State, Myanmar, have raised the possibility of Rohingya infiltration through various border points in Teknaf. In August, several Rohingyas were killed when two boats capsized while trying to cross into Bangladesh from Myanmar. As Rohingyas have been driven out of Mangdu by the ongoing conflict, Rohingyas have been targeted by heavy weapons and casualties by the Myanmar Army as they wait along the Naf River to cross into Bangladesh. Many others were injured in the AA drone attack on the banks of the Naf river. Many Rohingya are being killed in the crossfire between the AA and the Myanmar military. Rohingyas are trying to enter Bangladesh by boat through several points of the Teknaf border as the conflict between the AA and the army in Myanmar escalates. They are being forced to return to Myanmar due to the activities of BGB members.

There are also allegations that the Myanmar army has forcibly deployed large numbers of Rohingya against the Rakhine. The Myanmar military, now facing an onslaught, has sought to exploit lingering sectarian bitterness in Rakhine State to advance its own agenda. Due to the ongoing conflict in Myanmar, 13 members of Myanmar's Border Guard Police (BGP) crossed the Naf River and took refuge in Bangladesh on August 14 from Maungdu suburb of Rakhine State. Currently 123 BGP members are in police custody in Bangladesh. Efforts to return them to Myanmar are being delayed by the ongoing political crisis. The authorities are trying to send them back by the end of August. Due to the conflict in Rakhine, from February 2024, members of BGP and other organizations started taking refuge in Bangladesh through Bandarban and Cox's Bazar border. 752 policemen and their family members were sent back to Myanmar in three rounds on 15th, 25th April and 9th June. This trend is still ongoing. Currently, Bangladesh is under the control of the Myanmar border and any infiltration and security disturbances through this border should be kept under control.

In Cox's Bazar Rohingya camp, the Arakan Salvation Army (Arsa) and the Arakan Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) clashed and fired, resulting in casualties. The operation of law and order forces is going on in the camp to nab the terrorists. In the ongoing situation, the security of the camp needs to be ensured and kept under control. Despite various limitations, Bangladesh has been sheltering about 12.50 lakh  Rohingya for about seven years. Repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar is the only sustainable solution to this crisis. However, so far the situation has not been created for the Rohingyas to return to Myanmar. Bangladesh continues to communicate with all concerned parties to initiate Rohingya repatriation. The international community should come forward to invest in the development of their livelihoods for the assimilation of the Rohingya in Rakhine. In the ongoing situation, besides ensuring the security of the camp to control this crisis, the border guard should be strengthened and surveillance should be increased to prevent new infiltration. BGB and Coast Guard patrols and strict vigilance have been strengthened in Teknaf to ensure that no Rohingya can cross the border again.

It is not possible for Bangladesh to shelter Rohingyas indefinitely due to limited resources in populous Bangladesh. The international community must ensure effective cooperation in the repatriation of the Rohingyas, taking into account the limitations and concerns of Bangladesh. Sustainable and voluntary repatriation in Rakhine needs to be initiated quickly by creating an enabling environment. The violence against the Rohingya in the ongoing conflict in Rakhine, the displacement of the Rohingya and their forced recruitment into the Myanmar army have made the situation intolerable and not desirable.

A resolution was unanimously adopted at the 56th session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva to repatriate the Rohingyas sheltered in Bangladesh to Myanmar and ensure their justice and accountability. On the initiative of Bangladesh, the proposal titled 'Human rights situation of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar' was presented by all the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the session of the Human Rights Council. At the end of the discussion, the proposal was unanimously accepted by the UN Human Rights Council on July 10. The proposal was adopted with an emphasis on a sustainable solution to the ongoing Rohingya crisis by creating a supportive environment. The resolution calls on all warring parties in Myanmar to protect the Rohingya and ensure their safety   is called upon. Expressing concern over the loss of life and property of neighboring countries, including Bangladesh, due to the Myanmar conflict, the resolution urged Myanmar to take necessary measures to maintain stability along its international borders.

At the BIMSTEC Foreign Ministers' Conference held in July, Myanmar's Foreign Minister Than Sui responded positively to the start of Rohingya repatriation and reiterated his intention to start repatriation quickly in discussions with his government. However, there is no possibility of implementing this process in the current context.

In the last seven years, no successful initiative has been reported to create harmony and eliminate differences between the Rohingya and the Rakhine. The Myanmar government has not yet taken any significant steps in this regard. Over time, the plight of Rohingyas who have taken refuge in Bangladesh is gradually increasing. Similarly, the Rohingyas in Rakhine are not doing well. They are being used as human shields by the AA and the Myanmar Army. The Myanmar military is succeeding in its objective of ethnic division, ignoring the acceptance of the Rohingya in Rakhine, and making the solution to the Rohingya problem more complicated and protracted. Myanmar's military government has 70 years of experience in psychological warfare. They are adept at using this experience to create racial divides. The junta in Rakhine State created a rift between the Rohingya and the Rakhine, forcing them to flee the country. This process is still ongoing.

The recent escalation of violence in Myanmar, the forced recruitment of Rohingya into the armed forces and the ongoing conflict in Rakhine require all parties to take effective measures to prevent the recurrence of brutal crimes committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights must prioritize the Rohingya issue until justice is achieved and a sustainable solution to the Rohingya crisis is achieved.

Although AA claims to represent all people living in Rakhine state, the organization has been accused of atrocities against the Rohingya during the Myanmar army's genocidal campaign in 2017. A victory in Rakhine state would have significant implications for any decision regarding the repatriation of Rohingya refugees. Bangladesh is working to ensure the security of Rohingya camps and has strengthened border patrols and surveillance. Similarly, it has to play an important role in handling the situation in Rakhine State on the Myanmar side. The international community and all concerned must initiate meaningful political dialogue with the AA, the Government of National Unity (NUG) and other ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to ensure the recognition of Rohingya ethnicity and rights. In the current situation, the Rohingya repatriation process must be implemented by continuing to apply constant pressure from outside. It is hoped that the international community, AA and NUG leadership will discuss among themselves to take initiatives to ensure the safety of the Rohingya living in Rakhine State to speed up the repatriation process.

Brigadier General Hasan Md. Shamsuddin, NDC, AFWC, PSC, M.Phil (Retd.)

Researcher on Myanmar and Rohingya